Netanyahu Netanyahu take over Israel | Benjamin Netanyahu

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Israel’s future “government of change” is a coalition of unlikely partners with only one goal in mind: to change the country’s prime minister. But will expelling Benjamin Netanyahu from power lead to positive changes in Israel, or Palestine?

The long journey that led to the formation of this motley coalition, including four national elections and lengthy tough negotiations, has shown that in a secure and prosperous Israel, personal ambition outweighs politics and politics outweighs ideology.

In fact, it was Netanyahu who first revealed a disproportionate willingness to follow all paths to further his ambitions and personal interests. It was he, after demonizing any attempt to cooperate with Palestinian Arab parties as non-Zionists, who pursued a coalition agreement with the United Arab List to preserve his presidency. And it was he who helped organize and legitimize the most open racist elements of Israeli society, ensuring that they crossed the threshold and entered the Knesset.

But Netanyahu “the magician” seems to have lost his magic. He has gone too far, lied too much, and surpassed too many partners to stay ahead.

In fact, nothing explains the formation of this new coalition of political extremes better than animosity: the animosity of political leaders who took revenge against the man who repeatedly deceived or burned them.

Naftali Bennett and Avigdor Lieberman, the future prime minister and finance minister, respectively, have been Netanyahu’s two chiefs of staff. Gideon Sa’ar, the future justice minister, was once his cabinet secretary. Even Yair Lapid and Benny Gantz, who lead the coalition’s effort to oust Netanyahu from office, have been ministers in his cabinet in the past.

But the apple does not fall far from the tree. After years feeding on his minions like a scorpion, Netanyahu’s descendants have come out to devour him in a twisted ritual of political matifagia.

Once Netanyahu is neutralized and unable to return, the “government of change” will lose, for all practical purposes, its raison d’être.

Coalition partners have only agreed to disagree on the big issues and are unlikely to accept any consequent policy change, let alone a new national, transformative or even transitional agenda.

Instead, expect lots of political fights over major changes to the welfare state, for example.

Lieberman, the potential secular and tough nationalist finance minister, may insist on moving away from the budgets of schools and institutions associated with religious parties.

It remains to be seen whether Prime Minister Bennett, himself an Orthodox religious Jew, will choose to block any such movement or encourage them to weaken their competitors among the other religious parties.

But Bennett will not be able to make any sudden or extreme move on more consistent issues, such as settlement expansion or annexation, without risking an implosion of the coalition.

With a majority of no more than 61 out of every 120 seats in parliament, any deviation by any discontented eccentric could lead to the undoing of the “government of change”.

Therefore, anyone assumes that as it evolves or rather develops in the coming days and weeks. But if you think it couldn’t get any worse than Netanyahu, think again.

Bennett, the former leader of a major group of settlers and a fanatic who prides himself on killing Arabs, has even less scruples than Netanyahu.

Paradoxically, his party did not even exceed the threshold needed to have seats in the Knesset in the April 2019 elections.

He is now destined to become prime minister.

Imagine.

True to their form, the spiders and scorpions of the political establishment will be there again soon, if the Likud decides to dismiss Netanyahu criminally accused of party leadership, especially now that he is officially on trial for serious corruption and fraud charges. he could very well end up in jail.

This development will pave the way for different and more coherent coalition possibilities for the right-wing and far-right parties that make up the majority in the Knesset.

The first thing these parties will do is throw the “too pragmatic” Arab list under the bus.

The United Arab List hopes that its support for the government, which oppresses its own people on the other side of the Green Line, can gain some financial crumbs, but once Netanyahu has disappeared, the Israeli right is sure to it will merge once again without it. .

Despite its concern for personal political vendettas and the media’s concern for the political circus, Israel has in fact been constantly moving to the right for years.

Today, the right-wing party and Likud hold about thirty seats in parliament, while the presumably “centrist” Labor party, which ruled Israel for three decades, is a mere political footnote.

Over the past few decades, both establishment parties have given birth to several extremist parties that support the illegal expansion and annexation of settlements, and are fundamentally opposed to the establishment of a Palestinian state.

These parties are indispensable for any future coalition government; without them, no major political party can govern.

In short, do not expect the “government of change” to entail many changes in an already terrible state of affairs. But expect the inevitable change of “government of change” to produce more of the same, but worse.

Netanyahu may be over, but for lack of a miracle, Netanyahu’s Netanyahu are here to stay.





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